A new investigation by the Conflict Insights Group (CIG) alleges that Colombian mercenaries, supported by the United Arab Emirates, provided crucial assistance to Sudan's paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) during the capture of el-Fasher last year. The report, utilizing mobile phone tracking, marks the first time researchers claim definitive proof of direct Emirati involvement in the conflict, according to CIG director Justin Lynch. Data revealed mercenaries used Wi-Fi networks named after their unit, directly linking them to UAE-based operations.
The Conflict Insights Group built its case on a trove of commercially available mobile phone tracking data, following more than 50 devices operated by Colombian fighters across Sudan between April 2025 and January 2026. This digital breadcrumb trail led investigators from South American recruitment centers, through UAE military facilities, and directly into RSF-held territories where drone operations were central to battlefield success. The CIG report details a sophisticated logistical pipeline, revealing a network far more integrated than previously understood.
The journey of one specific device illustrates the network’s reach. It traveled from Colombia, landed at Abu Dhabi's Zayed International Airport, and then proceeded to a UAE military training facility in Ghayathi. Four other Spanish-configured phones were detected at this same facility, indicating a centralized staging ground.
This is not casual travel. This represents calculated movement. From Ghayathi, two of those phones subsequently moved to South Darfur state in Sudan.
One device specifically logged into Wi-Fi networks named "ANTIAEREO" (Spanish for "anti-aircraft") and "AirDefense" in Nyala, a key RSF stronghold and known hub for drone operations. The CIG documented over 40 Spanish-language devices in Nyala, confirming its significance. The math does not add up for this to be coincidental.
Another case study tracked a phone from Colombia to Nyala, then directly to el-Fasher in North Darfur during the critical period last October when the RSF seized the city after an 18-month siege. While in el-Fasher, this device connected to a Wi-Fi network identified as "ATACADOR," or "attacker" in Spanish. These specific Wi-Fi network names, chosen by the mercenary units themselves, offer a rare, unfiltered glimpse into their operational presence and roles during the conflict.
They were not merely present. They were active participants. The mercenaries operated as part of the Desert Wolves brigade, according to the CIG report, serving as drone pilots, artillerymen, and instructors.
One fighter's device linked to Wi-Fi networks named "DRONES" and "LOBOS DEL DISIERTO" (Spanish for "Desert Wolves"), further solidifying the unit's identity and function. This brigade is reportedly led by retired Colombian army Colonel Alvaro Quijano, based in the UAE. He has faced sanctions from both the US and UK governments for his role in recruiting Colombians to fight in Sudan.
Follow the leverage, not the rhetoric. The money trail points to specific entities. La Silla Vacía, a Colombian digital news site, and CIG documents indicate the Desert Wolves received payment and employment from a UAE-based company.
This company, the report adds, has documented ties to senior Emirati government officials. This connection, if proven in court, would bridge the gap between private military contractors and state-level backing. The implications are clear.
The CIG also identified devices with Spanish-language settings at a port in Somalia, a location with established links to the UAE, and in a town in southeastern Libya. This Libyan town is believed to function as a logistical hub for the alleged flow of weapons to the RSF, reportedly facilitated by the Emirates. This expanded geographical footprint suggests a broader, integrated supply chain for the RSF's war effort.
It is a regional network. The United Arab Emirates has consistently rejected these allegations. The Emirati government previously released statements dismissing what it termed "false and unfounded allegations" regarding its support for the RSF.
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It also condemned "in the strongest terms" the atrocities committed in el-Fasher. However, the CIG's Justin Lynch stated, "This is the first research where we can prove UAE involvement with certainty." He added, "We are making public what governments have long known – that there is a direct link between Abu Dhabi and the RSF." Here is what they are not telling you: the denials clash directly with granular data. El-Fasher's capture represented one of the most brutal phases of the ongoing conflict, which has created what UN agencies describe as the world's most severe humanitarian crisis.
Tens of thousands have been killed. Millions more have been forced from their homes. The prosecutor for the International Criminal Court (ICC) has assessed the mass atrocities as war crimes and crimes humanity.
UN investigators have described them as bearing the "hallmarks of genocide." The CIG report concludes that the UAE-Colombian mercenary network bears shared responsibility for these outcomes. Lynch further noted that the scale of atrocities and the siege itself would not have been possible without the drone operations provided by the mercenaries, citing evidence of their direct support for the RSF siege tactics. Colombian President Gustavo Petro last year described the mercenaries as "spectres of death." He characterized their recruitment as a "form of human trafficking." His government has expressed deep concern over its citizens fighting in foreign conflicts.
Such a stance complicates diplomatic relations. It also highlights an international problem. This situation is not without historical precedent.
The use of proxy forces and private military contractors by state actors to advance geopolitical interests has a long, complex history, from colonial-era militias to Cold War interventions. These forces offer plausible deniability. They allow states to project power without direct military engagement.
The current environment in Sudan, with multiple external actors reportedly backing different factions, mirrors these older patterns of power projection, albeit with modern technology like advanced drones. It is a familiar playbook. Analysts generally concur that external support for both the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces has been a primary factor in the conflict's three-year continuation and expansion.
Without this external assistance, the conflict's intensity and duration would likely diminish significantly. The flow of weapons, training, and operational expertise directly fuels the fighting. This prolongs human suffering.
It destabilizes the entire region. The United States has taken action, sanctioning Colombian nationals and associated companies twice, in December and again last week, for their involvement in recruiting mercenaries for Sudan. The US Treasury Department explicitly stated that Colombian fighters supported the RSF capture of el-Fasher.
However, the US has refrained from making a direct connection to the United Arab Emirates in its public statements. This diplomatic caution underscores the complexities of international relations and the challenges of attributing responsibility in proxy conflicts. Governments move carefully.
The broader significance of these findings extends beyond Sudan's borders. The alleged use of a sovereign state's military facilities and financial networks to facilitate mercenary operations in another country raises serious questions about international law and state accountability. It challenges existing norms.
It also impacts regional stability, particularly in the already volatile Horn of Africa and North Africa. This fuels cycles of violence. It creates enduring instability. - A new report from the Conflict Insights Group directly links UAE-backed Colombian mercenaries to the RSF capture of el-Fasher. - Mobile phone tracking data traced mercenaries from UAE training facilities to critical drone operations in Sudan. - The Desert Wolves mercenary brigade, tied to a UAE-based company, provided crucial combat and logistical support. - The UAE denies involvement, but CIG states this is the first definitive proof of a direct link to Abu Dhabi.
What happens next will largely depend on the international community's response to these detailed allegations. Watch for potential diplomatic pressure on the UAE from Western powers. Further investigations by international bodies, such as the UN or ICC, could also follow, potentially expanding the scope of accountability for war crimes.
The ongoing conflict in Sudan will continue, but the spotlight on external actors will intensify. The true cost of proxy warfare is becoming harder to ignore.
Key Takeaways
— - A new report from the Conflict Insights Group directly links UAE-backed Colombian mercenaries to the RSF capture of el-Fasher.
— - Mobile phone tracking data traced mercenaries from UAE training facilities to critical drone operations in Sudan.
— - The Desert Wolves mercenary brigade, tied to a UAE-based company, provided crucial combat and logistical support.
— - The UAE denies involvement, but CIG states this is the first definitive proof of a direct link to Abu Dhabi.
Source: BBC News
